Georgia’s EU bid is being sabotaged by its own government, Brussels fears

Last November, thousands of Georgians marched through their capital, Tbilisi, waving EU flags to celebrate their country’s having finally become a candidate to join the European Union.

Now, not six months on, they’re hitting the streets of Tbilisi again, this time to protest what they fear is a scheme to thwart their European ambitions — one hatched by their own government.

“I am even angrier today than I was last year,” said Nana Malashkhia, a civil servant who gained worldwide fame last year by waving an EU flag while being blasted by water cannon.

“I’m ready to do what it takes; there’s no turning back. The fate of this country hangs in the balance — either we return to the Russian orbit or continue on the track to European integration. I am ready.”

What reignited the protest movement was a controversial new bill — reminiscent of Russian legislation — introduced by the ruling Georgian Dream party this week. The measure would force NGOs, think tanks, media outlets and campaign groups that receive funding from abroad to declare themselves as “foreign agents.”

Days before, the government had also presented legislation introducing tough restrictions on the LGBTQ+ community, triggering uproar from human rights groups.

The repressive bills — which Brussels says are at odds with the country’s supposed EU trajectory — beg massive questions as to the intentions of the ruling party. In the past week, thousands of people have demonstrated on Rustaveli Avenue in front of the country’s parliament.

Georgia (pop. 3.7 million) is falling behind other EU candidates such as Ukraine and Moldova in the race to open accession talks, and fears are growing in Brussels that Georgian Dream isn’t just dragging its feet on key reforms but is looking to actively derail the entire process.

The government’s opponents contend that EU membership is bad news for Georgian Dream, which they argue doesn’t want to upset relations with Moscow by taking a westward political trajectory. They also note that Georgia’s elites fear their interests could be harmed by the sort of judicial reforms and accountability demanded by the EU.

Given that polls show 79 percent of Georgians want to join the EU, the new bill sets up a potentially convulsive showdown.

Agents of change

Georgia has fought this battle before.

Last March, the populist Georgian Dream administration was forced to drop an almost identical “foreign agent” bill after street protests that saw riot police clash with crowds, drawing condemnation from abroad. Now, a year after promising to “unconditionally” withdraw the proposals, the government has resurrected them.

Nana Malashkhia, a civil servant who gained worldwide fame last year by waving an EU flag while being blasted by water cannon | AFP via Getty Images

At the same time, the government has put forward legislation that would ban the recognition of same-sex relationships and impose tough restrictions on the LGBTQ+ community, effectively banning public events like Pride. Once again, the plans have echoes of Moscow’s “gay propaganda” law, which targeted the supposed promotion of “non-traditional relationships” and has since been tightened to prohibit all expressions of LGBTQ+ identity.

The moves have received harsh reviews in Brussels. Having warned last year that the Georgia government’s proposals were “incompatible with EU values and standards,” officials now have every reason to see the “foreign agents” bill as a deliberate attempt to drive a wedge in relations.

Granted anonymity to speak about this sensitive issue, a spokesperson for the Commission told POLITICO that “the announcement by the ruling party in Georgia to re-introduce the draft [foreign agent] law … is a seriously worrying development and we urge Georgia to withdraw such legislation, in line with public commitments by the Government and the ruling party.”

“The European Council granted candidate status to Georgia on the understanding that a number of steps be taken,” the spokesperson added. “Amongst them, ensuring freedom of assembly and expression and to consult and engage with civil society, allowing for their meaningful involvement in legislative and policymaking processes and ensure they can operate freely.”

The Commission will now assess the impact of the proposed bill and “report on the state of play in Georgia” in the next Enlargement report, expected in the fall.

Georgian Dream did not respond to POLITICO’s requests for comment.

Road to the EU

Analysts and human rights groups have warned that Georgia is backsliding in many areas, amid reports of journalists being beaten and vulnerable communities being further marginalized.

What’s more, since the start of the war in Ukraine in 2022 the government has refused to implement Western sanctions on Russia — instead deepening trade relations with its neighbor and cashing in on Moscow’s need for regional partners to help it circumvent sanctions.

Georgia shares a long border with Russia, and was invaded by Moscow’s troops in 2008; Georgian Dream has insisted on the need for balanced relations between East and West. Critics, however, note that the founder of Georgian Dream, oligarch Bidzina Ivanishvili, made his fortune in Russia and has cultivated friendlier ties with the Kremlin than previous Georgian governments. Calls by Brussels for the country’s “deoligarchization,” largely interpreted as meaning limiting Ivanishvili’s power, have gone unheeded.

Inside job?

Some Georgians fear the foreign agent law will be used to suppress critical voices ahead of parliamentary elections in October, where Georgian Dream will seek a fifth term.

“The government wants to remain in power so they’ve intensified silencing critical voices, especially after the Russian invasion of Ukraine. They’re labeling journalists the people’s enemies, this is how they want the society to see us,” said journalist Lika Zakashvili, co-founder of independent online publication Publika, who was among the protesters both this week and last year.

If the bill is passed, Zakashvili’s outlet, which is almost entirely sustained by foreign donor funding, would not just be branded as an agent — the government would also be able to carry out impromptu checks and access reporters’ personal data.

Others say the plans are part of a much wider shift in Georgia’s international positioning.

Georgian Dream insists that its latest legislation will protect the country’s interests and won’t dash its hopes of joining the EU | Vano Shlamov/AFP via Getty Images

“It looks like they’re sabotaging Georgia’s European aspirations,” said Kornely Kakachia, director of the Georgian Institute of Politics. As he sees it, the government is unwilling to act on key EU demands regarding the accession process, such as judicial reform and curbing the influence of their wealthy backers, because it could weaken their hold on power.

To deflect attention from this reality, Kakachia argued, the ruling party is trying to draw Brussels into a debate on sovereignty, foreign influence and LGBTQ+ rights, topics that it believes will resonate with voters.

“They are planning to pose as victims — that the EU is punishing Georgia because of its aspirations towards transparency. It’s a populism that we’re familiar with,” Kakachia said.

Battle for Brussels

Georgian Dream insists that its latest legislation will protect the country’s interests and won’t dash its hopes of joining the EU.

“They have not provided an argument why something that doesn’t endanger civil society in Europe will be dangerous for civil society in Georgia,” said Mamuka Mdinaradze, executive chair of Georgian Dream, claiming EU member states have similar laws on their books. “We will not accept anybody’s opinion, be it an ally state or a person, without argumentation,” he said on Tuesday.

However, while conservative EU member states such as Poland and Hungary have repeatedly clashed with Brussels over social issues such as the recognition of same-sex relationships, Brussels is likely to take a different view of dissent that comes from existing EU countries than it does of defiance from aspiring members.

“The timing of these laws is likely to exploit the dividing lines in society and [to allow the government to] use the time before the elections to curb civil society activities,” said Tinatin Akhvlediani, a Georgian analyst with the Brussels’ Center for European Policy Studies, referring to the upcoming October poll.

“EU membership is the key ambition of almost the whole society, so that may end up overshadowing other issues,” she added. “But Georgia is a very politically polarized country and a lot can happen before the vote.”