Ursula von der Leyen ‘hates the European Parliament’ 

BRUSSELS — Staying true to her reputation for straight-talking, Sophie in ‘t Veld wastes no time in going on the attack against Ursula von der Leyen. 

Over lunch at a restaurant opposite the European Parliament in Brussels, in ‘t Veld argues that MEPs should use the power they hold over von der Leyen’s future — she is seeking reelection as European Commission president — to radically change the power balance between the two EU institutions in the Parliament’s favor. 

“She’s not a big fan of scrutiny and accountability at all,” in ‘t Veld said. “You can see how for her being a member of the European Council and being close to the government leaders is very important. She hates the European Parliament. She will not spend a minute more there than strictly necessary,” she said.

For a brief window of time, the Parliament — generally considered the weakest of the EU’s main institutions — is vital for von der Leyen, the most powerful leader of an EU institution: She needs to convince at least 361 MEPs to vote for her to get a second five-year term at the helm of the European Commission, in a vote scheduled for 1 p.m. Thursday in Parliament’s Strasbourg base.

In the negotiations von der Leyen has been holding with MEPs, including in ‘t Veld’s own liberal Renew Europe group, MEPs should not be focusing that much on legislation, but on imposing a “shopping list” of measures on von der Leyen that would reassert Parliament’s role as a sharp-toothed watchdog over the executive, in ‘t Veld said, digging into a Caesar salad. 

The Parliament should — as a pre-condition for holding the vote in the first place — tell von der Leyen to make her infamous text messages with the CEO of Covid vaccine-maker Pfizer accessible, crack down on legal breaches by the governments of Hungary, Slovakia and Greece, commit to monthly unscripted Q&A sessions with MEPs, and hold a confidence vote midway through her term in 2027.

When MEPs vote this week, in ‘t Veld will not be among them. After 20 years as a lawmaker, mostly for the liberal progressive Dutch party D66, she was not reelected in the June vote, having failed to win a seat with the pan-European Volt in Belgium, but remained tight-lipped about her next steps.

In ‘t Veld praised von der Leyen’s “drive” and leadership on Ukraine and the pandemic.

But she said: “I honestly don’t think that with her track record when it comes to transparency … that she should get a second mandate. At the same time, the problem is, you know, who else? But then, Parliament has to secure a rebalancing of the relations between the institutions,” she said.

She’s not holding her breath. “It’s for the European Parliament to use its political powers, which it hasn’t done, not a single time in the last five years.”

Sophie in ‘t Veld argues that MEPs should use the power they hold over Ursula von der Leyen’s future. | Andreas Solaro/AFP via Getty Images

MEPs “do not have sufficient understanding … of what the role of Parliament as a democratic watchdog should be,” she said.

She gave examples: The Parliament capitulated on its own Spitzenkandidat system when it voted for von der Leyen back in 2019 without her having campaigned; it has “done zero” about von der Leyen’s Pfizergate scandal; and it showed it was “too chicken” to hold von der Leyen to account in public over her decision to release €10 billion for Viktor Orbán’s government, “wimping out” by taking the Commission to court instead.

Government takeover 

“We can see parliamentary democracy in retreat everywhere,” in ‘t Veld said, adding that there appears to be a mood among voters that they want “authoritarian” leaders.

“On the other hand, they’re very upset when there’s a scandal. They don’t seem to see that there’s a connection between authoritarianism and weakening public scrutiny,” she said. 

“There is no point in whining about the rise of the far right if we at the same time weaken the institutions that they’re entering.” 

One of the EU institutions that has become much more powerful — with limited accompanying scrutiny — in recent years is the European Council, where the 27 national leaders meet behind closed doors with von der Leyen.

The Commission, in ‘t Veld said, routinely seeks the approval of national governments before proposing new laws and its subservience to national capitals, a major focus of in ‘t Veld’s two latest books, has only “intensified” under von der Leyen. 

Is von der Leyen not strong enough to push back against national leaders? “She doesn’t want to.” 

“She is doing absolutely nothing in Greece, which is really rapidly descending into a mafia state,” said in ‘t Veld, who drafted a report on the Greek spyware scandal. She also referenced POLITICO reporting about von der Leyen’s burial of a report on the rule of law under Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni.

“She politicizes the rule of law, she turns it into something that you can use in negotiations. That’s like the ultimate sin. And that’s something that this Parliament will have to address before voting for her,” in ‘t Veld said.